Ukraines 2010 Elections: Political Background and Future Prognosis
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West would be poorer than East. These averages conceal significant regional variation, with Kiev and its surrounding region the only areas in the West with average incomes greater than the current Ukrainian average. In East Ukraine, the average income is almost uniformly higher than in the West. Only Kherson, a sparsely populated region just north of Crimea, is poorer than the West Ukrainian average. The unemployment rate is also higher in West Ukraine 8.
The economic structures of the two states could hardly be any more different. In West Ukraine, the economy is dominated by agrarian production and the huge service sector centred on the capital city of Kiev. Much of this production takes place in the West.
However, given their links with industrial production in Eastern Ukraine, it is unlikely that these companies would continue to generate current levels of revenue in the event of any future split. What would happen, for example, to Kiev-based design bureaus working for Kharkiv-based aerospace firms? Other higher value-added sectors, including the auto and aerospace industries, are also predominantly located in the East, although the competitiveness of enterprises in this region is patchy. It is likely that East Ukraine would continue to import large quantities of natural gas from Russia.
The first key issue is how the large stock of existing Ukrainian public debt would be divided up. Assuming that this stock of debt would be split evenly between the two states, it is clear that the debt-to-GDP ratio would increase even more in the poorer, more agrarian West, especially if it were unable to balance government expenditure and income.
It is likely that West Ukraine would require significant external support to manage any future debt obligations. While the East would also inherit a relatively high debt burden, it would, by virtue of its greater export and productive potential, be better equipped to manage this debt. Large scale shale gas extraction has the potential to boost the fortunes of both states although at this stage the prospects for both deposits are uncertain.
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West Ukraine would require enormous levels of external assistance, both to manage its large public debt burden, and to generate the type of economic restructuring that would be required to increase income levels across the country. Without restructuring, West Ukraine would be one of the poorest countries in Europe. The financial assistance and open market for exports provided by the EU would be crucial to the economic future of the country.
East Ukraine, on the other hand, has the potential for a brighter future. It would inherit the richer, more urbanised and on the whole more productive sections of the Ukrainian economy. It is also further along in developing its shale gas resources. Consequently, East Ukraine would be more viable as an independent state and would possess the capabilities to compete in some areas of the global economy.
- Ukraine's revolution and Russia's occupation of Crimea: how we got here | World news | The Guardian.
- More background information.
- ‘Shelling is a daily reality in eastern Ukraine for almost five years’!
In an alternative scenario, East Ukraine would also represent a significant and relatively modern addition to an enlarged Russian economy. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Browser does not support script. Quantum Technologies Developing the use of sensors and clocks in innovative, ground-breaking technologies to change the future landscapes of healthcare, transport, defence, civil engineering and more. Responsible Business Academia partnering with business, investigating, developing and co-creating robust and innovative solutions to achieve responsible business success.
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According to Anton Shekhovtsov , expert on radical parties in Europe, "The main peculiarity of the Ukrainian far right is that its main enemy is not immigrants or national minorities , as often happens with the EU - based far right , but the Kremlin ". Thirty members of the Israeli Knesset condemned the party in a signed letter addressed to the President of the European Parliament. In the letter the Israeli politicians accused Svoboda of "openly glorifying Nazi murder" and "Nazi war criminals".
Ukraine's chief rabbi Yaakov Bleich said "Svoboda is an enigma in many ways," calling it "a right-wing, nationalist party with anti-Semitic elements in it. Likhachev of the Eurasian Jewish Congress , said that the "party has a very anti-Semitic core in its ideology," and that it leads to "symbolic legitimization of neo-Nazis and anti-Semitic ideology in the eyes of society.
Member of parliament from the pro-presidential Party of Regions  and president of the Jewish Committee of Ukraine , Oleksandr Feldman , criticized Svoboda as a "party which is notorious for regularly injecting anti-Semitism into their speeches and public pronouncements" and accused the party of "rallying behind this recognition and exploited mistrust of Jews to gain popularity among some in the lower class who painfully welcomed the chance to be a part of campaigns of hate".
Four groups, including the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union , said they have seen no upsurge in anti-Semitic attacks. In international human rights organization The Simon Wiesenthal Center placed Svoboda party leader Oleg Tyahnybok fifth in its list of the top 10 anti-Semites and haters of Israel, based on his previous comments regarding Jews in Ukraine.
Party leader Oleh Tyahnybok in January has described the Azarov Government and the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych "a Kremlin colonial administration ",  referencing Svoboda's opposition to perceived Russian influences in Ukrainian politics. Before the Ukrainian parliamentary election most of the radical points which were present on the Svoboda's original party platform vanished from the official election program that Svoboda filed with the Central Election Commission of Ukraine.
In its place, a tamer, populist program focused on the impeachment of President Viktor Yanukovych and the renunciation of the Kharkiv agreements that let Russia 's Black Sea Fleet stay in Crimea through was used. Svoboda also states in its programme that it is both possible and necessary to make Ukraine the " geopolitical centre of Europe ". Member of parliament Ihor Miroshnychenko asked the head of the Kiev City State Administration Oleksandr Popov on 7 March to ban a march that was held the next day because he believed it would "contribute to promoting sexual orientation" and he further stated in his request " homosexuality provokes sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS ".
In late January Svoboda urged Ukrainians to boycott revised Ukrainian history textbooks and to give up the teaching of the Russian language in school, calling Ukrainians "to categorically refuse to study in school the language of the occupier — Russian, as a further reliable means of the assimilation of Ukrainians". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Far-right Ukrainian nationalist political party.
All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" Svoboda.
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Charter ' Russian Politics and Law. Syal, Rajeev 1 June The Guardian Weekly. Retrieved 28 February Weinthal, Benjamin 28 December Muslim Brotherhood's rise in Egypt catapults two religious figures into No. Jerusalem Post. Spyer, Jonathan 9 January The Jerusalem Post. The far-right, anti-Semitic Svoboda party of Oleh Tyahnybok is also in evidence in the square. The third organized element is the Batkivschnya Fatherland party, which is close to Timoshenko. The Atlantic.
Retrieved 27 March The Chicago Tribune. Kyiv Post. Archived from the original on 19 February Way of Tyahnybok to Freedom. Svoboda website.
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